1. The Urgency of Time

Audio: mp3 Part 1

Audio: mp3 Part 2

The Lord in His great mercy sent a most precious message to His people through Elders Waggoner and Jones. [SEE APPENDIX.] This message was to bring more prominently before the world the uplifted Saviour, the sacrifice for the sins of the whole world. It presented justification through faith in the Surety; it invited the people to receive the righteousness of Christ, which is made manifest in obedience to all the commandments of God. Many had lost sight of Jesus. They needed to have their eyes directed to His divine person, His merits, and His changeless love for the human family. All power is given into His hands, that He may dispense rich gifts unto men, imparting the priceless gift of His own righteousness to the helpless human agent. This is the message that God commanded to be given to the world. It is the third angel’s message, which is to be proclaimed with a loud voice, and attended with the outpouring of His Spirit in a large measure. {TM 91.2}

Revelation 13:1  And I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns, and upon his horns ten crowns, and upon his heads the name of blasphemy.

13:2 And the beast which I saw was like unto a leopard, and his feet were as [the feet] of a bear, and his mouth as the mouth of a lion: and the dragon gave him his power, and his seat, and great authority.

13:3 And I saw one of his heads as it were wounded to death; and his deadly wound was healed: and all the world wondered after the beast.

13:4 And they worshipped the dragon which gave power unto the beast: and they worshipped the beast, saying, Who [is] like unto the beast? who is able to make war with him?

13:5 And there was given unto him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemies; and power was given unto him to continue forty [and] two months.

13:6 And he opened his mouth in blasphemy against God, to blaspheme his name, and his tabernacle, and them that dwell in heaven.

13:7 And it was given unto him to make war with the saints, and to overcome them: and power was given him over all kindreds, and tongues, and nations.

13:8 And all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him, whose names are not written in the book of life of the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world.

13:9 If any man have an ear, let him hear.

13:10 He that leadeth into captivity shall go into captivity: he that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword. Here is the patience and the faith of the saints.

13:11 ¶ And I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; and he had two horns like a lamb, and he spake as a dragon.

13:12 And he exerciseth all the power of the first beast before him, and causeth the earth and them which dwell therein to worship the first beast, whose deadly wound was healed.

13:13 And he doeth great wonders, so that he maketh fire come down from heaven on the earth in the sight of men,

13:14 And deceiveth them that dwell on the earth by [the means of] those miracles which he had power to do in the sight of the beast; saying to them that dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the beast, which had the wound by a sword, and did live.

13:15 And he had power to give life unto the image of the beast, that the image of the beast should both speak, and cause that as many as would not worship the image of the beast should be killed.

13:16 And he causeth all, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hand, or in their foreheads:

13:17 And that no man might buy or sell, save he that had the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name.

13:18 Here is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the number of the beast: for it is the number of a man; and his number [is] Six hundred threescore [and] six.

Revelation 14:1 And I looked, and, lo, a Lamb stood on the mount Sion, and with him an hundred forty [and] four thousand, having his Father’s name written in their foreheads.

14:2 And I heard a voice from heaven, as the voice of many waters, and as the voice of a great thunder: and I heard the voice of harpers harping with their harps:

14:3 And they sung as it were a new song before the throne, and before the four beasts, and the elders: and no man could learn that song but the hundred [and] forty [and] four thousand, which were redeemed from the earth.

14:4 These are they which were not defiled with women; for they are virgins. These are they which follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth. These were redeemed from among men, [being] the firstfruits unto God and to the Lamb.

14:5 And in their mouth was found no guile: for they are without fault before the throne of God.

14:6 ¶ And I saw another angel fly in the midst of heaven, having the everlasting gospel to preach unto them that dwell on the earth, and to every nation, and kindred, and tongue, and people,

14:7 Saying with a loud voice, Fear God, and give glory to him; for the hour of his judgment is come: and worship him that made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and the fountains of waters.

14:8 And there followed another angel, saying, Babylon is fallen, is fallen, that great city, because she made all nations drink of the wine of the wrath of her fornication.

14:9 And the third angel followed them, saying with a loud voice, If any man worship the beast and his image, and receive [his] mark in his forehead, or in his hand,

14:10 The same shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God, which is poured out without mixture into the cup of his indignation; and he shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of the holy angels, and in the presence of the Lamb:

14:11 And the smoke of their torment ascendeth up for ever and ever: and they have no rest day nor night, who worship the beast and his image, and whosoever receiveth the mark of his name.

14:12 Here is the patience of the saints: here [are] they that keep the commandments of God, and the faith of Jesus.

14:13 And I heard a voice from heaven saying unto me, Write, Blessed [are] the dead which die in the Lord from henceforth: Yea, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours; and their works do follow them.

14:14 ¶ And I looked, and behold a white cloud, and upon the cloud [one] sat like unto the Son of man, having on his head a golden crown, and in his hand a sharp sickle.

14:15 And another angel came out of the temple, crying with a loud voice to him that sat on the cloud, Thrust in thy sickle, and reap: for the time is come for thee to reap; for the harvest of the earth is ripe.

14:16 And he that sat on the cloud thrust in his sickle on the earth; and the earth was reaped.

14:17 ¶ And another angel came out of the temple which is in heaven, he also having a sharp sickle.

14:18 And another angel came out from the altar, which had power over fire; and cried with a loud cry to him that had the sharp sickle, saying, Thrust in thy sharp sickle, and gather the clusters of the vine of the earth; for her grapes are fully ripe.

14:19 And the angel thrust in his sickle into the earth, and gathered the vine of the earth, and cast [it] into the great winepress of the wrath of God.

14:20 And the winepress was trodden without the city, and blood came out of the winepress, even unto the horse bridles, by the space of a thousand [and] six hundred furlongs.

A beast with lamb-like horns (America) arose out of the ground in 1798. There was separation of church and state. America declared independence from Great Britain on July 4, 1776. As soon as the declaration of Independence was published, the Presbytery of Virginia openly took its stand with the new and independent nation and with the Baptists and Quakers of that State addressed to the General Assembly a memorial which stated the following:

We have now declared ourselves free and independent of Great Britain in all things civil; let us also declare ourselves independent of Great Britain in all things religious.’

The English church was still the established religion of the State of Virginia. They went on to call for freedom of religion in Virginia.

When the many and grievous oppressions of our mother country have laid this continent under the necessity of casting off the yoke of tyranny, and of forming independent governments upon equitable and liberal foundations, we flatter ourselves that we shall be freed from all the incumbrances which a spirit of domination, prejudice, or bigotry has interwoven with most other political systems…. Therefore, we rely upon this declaration, as well as the justice of our honorable legislature, to secure us the free exercise of religion according to the dictates of our own consciences. . . . {1898 ATJ, WIP 5.3}

In this enlightened age, and in a land where all of every denomination are united in the most strenuous efforts to be free, we hope and expect that our representatives will cheerfully concur in removing every species of religious, as well as civil bondage. Certain it is, that every argument for civil liberty gains additional strength when applied to liberty in the concerns of religion; and there is no argument in favor of establishing the Christian religion but may be pleaded with equal propriety for establishing the tenets of Mohammed by those who believe the quran; or, if this be not true, it is at least impossible for the magistrate to adjudge the right of preference among the various sects that profess the Christian faith without erecting a claim to infallibility, which would lead us back to the church of Rome. {1898 ATJ, WIP 5.4}

As a result, the English Church was disestablished in Virginia on January 1, 1777.

But shortly after this there was a strong movement to replace it with the establishment of “Christianity” in general as the state religion. This was done under the cover of a bill introduced into the General Assembly of Virginia to establish by a general tax “the support of teachers of the Christian religion.”

This movement was opposed by the Presbytery, the Baptists and the Quakers.

They presented again a memorial to the General Assembly, repeating much of their former memorial, and much more to it. The following is part of it:

We would also humbly represent that the only proper objects of civil government are the happiness and protection of men in the present state of existence, and security of the life, liberty, and property of the citizens, and lo restrain the vicious and-to encourage the virtuous by wholesome laws equally extending .to every individual; but that the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner” of discharging it, can only be directed by reason and conviction, and is nowhere cognizable but at the tribunal of the universal Judge. To illustrate and confirm these assertions, we beg leave to observe that to judge for ourselves and to engage in the exercise of religion agreeable to the dictates of our own consciences, is an unalienable right which, upon the principles on which the gospel was first propagated and the Reformation from popery carried on, can never be transferred to another.” {1898 ATJ, WIP 6.2}

Thomas Jefferson and James Madison took up the cause and through their efforts and also the strenuous efforts of the Baptists, the “Bill establishing a Provision for Teachers of the Christian Religion,” was defeated in 1779.

Jefferson then proposed an “Act for Establishing Religious Freedom” in Virginia

The following is a part.

Well aware that Almighty God hath created the mind free; that all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments or burdens, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness, and are a departure from the plan of the Holy Author of our religion, who, being Lord both of body and mind, yet chose not to propagate it by coercions on either as was in his almighty power to do; that the impious presumption of legislators and rulers, civil as well as ecclesiastical, who, being themselves but fallible, and uninspired men, have assumed a dominion over the faith of others, setting up their own opinions and modes of thinking as the only true and infallible, and as such, endeavoring to impose them on others, hath established and maintained false religions over the greatest part of the world and through all time; that to compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves is sinful and tyrannical; … {1898 ATJ, WIP 7.1}

Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly, That no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief; but that all men shall be free to express, and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion, and that the same shall in nowise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities. And though we well know that this assembly, elected by the people for the ordinary purposes of legislation only, have no power to restrain the acts of succeeding assemblies, constituted with powers equal to our own, and that therefore to declare this act irrevocable would be of no effect in law, yet we are free to declare, and do declare, that the rights hereby asserted are of the natural rights of mankind, and that if any act shall be hereafter passed to repeal the present, or to narrow its operation, such act will be an infringement of natural rights.” {1898 ATJ, WIP 7.2}

This proposed law was submitted to the whole people of Virginia for their “deliberate, reflection” before the vote should be taken in the General Assembly for its enactment into law as a part of the revised code. The war for independence began, and the movement for the establishment of the Christian religion was put aside. But as soon as the war was over it was pushed into the Assembly again by the introduction of the original Bill Establishing a provision for teachers of the Christian religion. Jefferson was absent from the country, being a minister to France, but his bill for the establishment of religious freedom was still before them, being then 6 years before their consideration. His place in the General Assembly was filled by James Madison who became a strong leader in the cause of religious right. Against the bill establishing the provision for the teaching of the Christian religion, he said:

The assessment bill exceeds the functions of civil authority. The question has been stated as though it were. Is religion necessary? The true question is, Are establishments necessary to religion? And the answer is, They corrupt religion. The difficulty of providing for the support of religion is the result of the war, to be remedied by voluntary association for religious purposes. In the event of a statute for the support of the Christian religion, are the courts of law to decide what is Christianity? and as a consequence, to decide what is orthodoxy, and what is heresy? The enforced support of the Christian religion dishonors Christianity.” {1898 ATJ, WIP 8.1}

The bill was put upon its third reading and passage, and its opponents succeeded in checking it only by a motion to postpone the subject until the next General Assembly; meanwhile to print the bill and distribute it among the people that their will in the matter might be signified to the next General Assembly which then could act accordingly. Thus the people of Virginia had before them for their choice the bill of the revised code for establishing religious freedom and the plan for supporting religion by a general assessment. “All the State, from the sea to the mountains and beyond them, was alive with the discussion. Madison, in a remonstrance addressed to the Legislature, embodied all that could be said against the compulsory maintenance of Christianity, and in behalf of religious freedom as a natural right, the glory of Christianity itself, the surest method of supporting religion, and the only way to produce harmony among its several sects.”

We, the subscribers, citizens of the commonwealth, having taken into serious consideration a bill printed by order of the last session of General Assembly, entitled ‘A Bill Establishing a Provision for Teachers of the Christian Religion,’ and conceiving that the same, if finally armed with the sanctions of a law, will be a dangerous abuse of power, are bound as faithful members of a free State to remonstrate against it, and to declare the reasons by which we are determined. We remonstrate against the said bill:- {1898 ATJ, WIP 9.2}

Because we hold it for a fundamental and undeniable truth that religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence. The religion, then, of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every man; and it is the right of every man to exercise it as these may dictate. This right is in its nature an unalienable right. It is unalienable, because the opinions of men, depending only on the evidence contemplated in their own minds, can not follow the dictates of other men. It is unalienable, also, because what is here a right towards men is a duty towards the Creator. It is the duty of every man to render to the Creator such homage, and such only, as he believes to be acceptable to him. This duty is precedent, both in order of time and in degree of obligation, to the claims of civil society. Before any man can be considered as a member of civil society, he must be considered as a subject of the Governor of the universe; and if a member of civil society who enters into any subordinate association must always do it with a reservation of his duty to the general authority, much more must every man who becomes a member of any particular civil society do it with a saving of his allegiance to the universal Sovereign. We maintain, therefore, that in matters of religion no man’s right is abridged by the institution of civil society, and that religion is wholly exempt from its cognizance. {1898 ATJ, WIP 9.3}

Because it is proper to take alarm at the first experiment upon our liberties. We hold this prudent jealousy to be the first duty of citizens, and one of the noblest characteristics of the late Revolution. The free men of America did not wait till usurped power had strengthened itself by exercise, and entangled the question in precedents. They saw all the consequences in the principle, and they avoided the consequences, by denying the principle. We revere this lesson too much soon to forget it. Who does not see that the same authority which can establish Christianity, in exclusion of all other religions, may establish, with the same case, any particular sect of Christians, in exclusion of all other sects? that the same authority which can force a citizen to contribute threepence only, of his property, for the support of any one establishment, may force him to conform’ to any other establishment in all cases whatsoever? {1898 ATJ, WIP 10.1}

Because the bill violates that equality which ought to be the basis of every law, and which is more indispensable in proportion as the validity or expediency of any law is more liable to be impeached. ‘If all men are by nature equally free and independent,’ all men are to be considered as entering into society on equal conditions, as relinquishing, no more, and, therefore, retaining no less, one than the other of their natural rights. Above all, are they to be considered as retaining an equal title to the free exercise of religion according to the dictates of conscience. Whilst we assert for ourselves a freedom to embrace, to profess, and to observe the religion which we believe to be of divine origin, we can not deny an equal freedom to them whose minds have not yet yielded to the evidence which has convinced us. If this freedom be abused, it is an offense against God, not against man. To God therefore, not to man, must an account of it be rendered. {1898 ATJ, WIP 10.2}

Because the bill implies either that the civil magistrate is a competent judge of religious truths, or that he may employ religion as an engine of civil policy. The first is an arrogant pretension, falsified by the contradictory opinions of rulers in all ages throughout the world; the second, an unhallowed perversion of the means of salvation. {1898 ATJ, WIP 10.3}

Because experience witnesseth that ecclesiastical establishments, instead of maintaining the purity and efficacy of religion, have had the contrary operation. During almost fifteen centuries has the legal establishment of Christianity been on trial. What have been its fruits?-More or less, in all places, pride and indolence in the clergy; ignorance and servility in the laity; in both superstition, bigotry, and persecution. Inquire of the teachers of Christianity for the ages in which it appeared in its greatest

luster; those of every sect point to the ages prior to its incorporation with civil polity. Propose a restoration .of this primitive state in which its teachers depend on the voluntary regard of their flocks, many of them predict its downfall. On which side ought their testimony to have greatest weight-when for, or when against, their interest? {1898 ATJ, WIP 10.4}

Because the proposed establishment is a departure from that generous policy which, offering an asylum to the persecuted and oppressed of every nation and religion, promised a luster to our country, and an accession to the number of our citizens. What a melancholy mark is this bill, of sudden degeneracy! Instead of holding forth an asylum to the persecuted, it is itself a signal of persecution. It degrades from the equal rank of citizens all those whose opinions in religion do not bend to those of the legislative authority. Distant as it may be in its present form from the Inquisition, it differs from it, only in degree. The one is the first step, the other is the last, in the career of intolerance. The magnanimous sufferer of this cruel scourge in foreign regions, must view the bill as a beacon on our coast, warning him to seek some other haven, where liberty and philanthropy, in their due extent, may offer a more certain repose from his troubles. {1898 ATJ, WIP 11.1}

Because, finally, ‘the equal right of every citizen to the free exercise of his religion, according to the dictates of conscience,’ is held by the same tenure with all our other rights. If we recur to its origin, it is equally the gift of nature; if we weigh its importance, it can not be less dear to us; if we consult the declaration of those rights ‘which pertain to the good people of Virginia as the basis and foundation of government,’ it is enumerated with equal solemnity, or rather with studied emphasis. Either, then, we must say that the will of the Legislature is the only measure of their authority, and that in the plenitude of that authority they may sweep away all our fundamental rights, or that they are bound to leave this particular right untouched and sacred. Either we must say that they may control the freedom of the press, may abolish the trial by jury, may swallow up the executive and judiciary powers of the State; nay, that they may despoil us of our very rights of suffrage, and erect themselves into an independent and hereditary assembly, or we must say that they have no authority to enact into a law the bill under consideration. {1898 ATJ, WIP 11.2}

We, the subscribers, say that the General Assembly of this commonwealth have no such authority. And, in order that no effort may be omitted on our part against so dangerous an usurpation, we oppose to it this remonstrance, earnestly praying, as we are in duty bound, that the Supreme Lawgiver of the universe, by illuminating those to whom it is addressed, may, on the one hand, turn their councils from every act which would affront his holy prerogative or violate the trust committed to them; and, on the other, guide them into every measure which may be worthy of his blessing,redound to their own praise, and establish more firmly the liberties, the prosperity, and the happiness of the commonwealth.” {1898 ATJ, WIP 11.3}

This remonstrance was so thoroughly discussed and. so well understood, and the will of the people on the subject was made so plain and emphatic, that “when the Legislature of Virginia assembled, no person was willing to bring forward the assessment bill; and it was never heard of more. Out of one hundred and seventeen articles of the revised code which were then reported, Madison selected for immediate action the one which related to religious freedom. In December, 1785, it passed the house by a vote of nearly four to one. Attempts in the Senate to amend, produced only insignificant changes in the preamble, and on the l6th of January, 1786, Virginia placed among its statutes the very words of the original draft by Jefferson with the hope that they would endure forever:

No man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief; opinion in matters of religion shall in nowise diminish, enlarge, or affect civil capacities. The rights hereby asserted are of the natural rights of mankind.'”

The hope was that this blessing would extend to all mankind, and indeed it was felt immediately throughout the whole country and “in every other American State, oppressive statutes concerning religion fell into disuse, and were gradually repealed. Many of the states took Virginia as its model, and often taken in its very word into the state constitutions. Just a month before this, December, 1785, a proposition made by Maryland to Virginia to call together commissioners from all the States to consider and “regulate restrictions on commerce for the whole” had been laid before the very legislature which passed the “Bill Establishing Religious Freedom in Virginia.” This proposition, of Maryland created the opening which was instantly seized by Madison, through which to push to successful issue the desire for the creation of the nation by the forming of the Constitution of the United States. And in pushing to successful issue the desire for the creation of a national power, there was carried along, also, and finally fixed in the Constitution of the United States, the same principle of religious right that had been so triumphantly fixed in the code of Virginia. There is in the Constitution of the US just one sole reference to religion. It is the declaration that “no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. This sole mention that was made of it was a clear and positive evidence that the makers of the constitution intended to exclude the subject of religion from all notice of the national power. And that was exactly how the people understood it when the constitution was laid before their consideration. In fact, it was this very feature of the Constitution that made it so appealing to the American people.

In Virginia, this however was not enough. They objected that was not enough to secure religious right. The people of America themselves did not think that this was enough. This to them was not satisfactory evidence the intention to exclude religion from the notice of the national power. They demanded positive provisions which should in so many words prohibit the government of the United States from touching any question of religion. They required that there should be added to the Constitution articles of the nature of a Bill of Rights, or commonly known as the ten amendments tot he constitution. And hence in the first Congress under the Constitution men on March 4, 1789, and in September that year then ten amendments were adopted. And the very first amendment is the declaration of religious freedom of religious right under the United States Government.

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.

Thus the supreme law of the land positively and explicitly excluded religion from any consideration whatever on the part of the national government. Furthermore, in 1797, the treaty of Tripoli was made and signed by President Washington, and approved by the Senate of the United States, in which is is declared that:

The Government of the United States is not in any sense founded upon the Christian religion.”

Supreme Court Decision, February 29, 1892

1887 Congress enacted a law forbidding any aliens to come to this country under contract to perform labor or service of any kind. The reason of that law was that large contractors in the United States, and corporations who wanted to increase their wealth with as little expense as possible, would send agents to Europe to come over and work. They would pay their expenses over, and allow them to work it out at very small wages after they got over here. This was depreciating the price that Americans should receive for their labor, and therefore Congress enacted a law as follows:— {1892 ATJ, UCS 17.4}

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passage of this act it shall be unlawful for any person, company, partnership, or corporation, in any manner whatsoever, to prepay the transportation, or in any way assist or encourage the importation or migration of any alien or aliens, any foreigner or foreigners, into the United States, its Territories, or special, expressed or implied, made previous to the importation or migration of such alien or aliens, foreigner or foreigners, to perform labor or service of any kind in the United States, its Territories, or the District of Columbia.” {1892 ATJ, UCS 18.1}

Trinity corporation in New York City hired a preacher in England to come over here and preach for them. They contracted with him before he came. He was an alien, and came over under contract, to perform service for that church. The United States District Attorney entered suit against the church for violating this law. The United States Circuit Court decided that the church was guilty, and rendered judgment accordingly. An appeal was taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, upon writ of error. {1892 ATJ, UCS 18.2}

The Supreme Court reversed the decision, first upon a well-established principle that “the intent of the lawmaker is the law.” The court quoted directly from the reports of the Senate Committee and the House Committee who had the bill in charge when it was put through Congress; and these both said in express terms that the term “laborer,” or “labor or service,” used in the statute, was intended to mean only manual labor or service, and not professional service of any kind. Therefore, that being the intent, and the only intent of the law, and the intent of the lawmaker being the law, the Supreme Court reversed the decision of the lower court, and said that the act complained of was not a violation of the law. {1892 ATJ, UCS 18.3}

So far as this goes, the decision is perfectly proper; and it needed to have gone no further, as the only point in the case was here fully decided. {1892 ATJ, UCS 19.1}

But between this paragraph and the closing paragraph of the decision, there is brought in and made an essential part of the decision, a mass of matter not only totally irrelevant to the case, but wholly beyond the rightful jurisdiction or the proper cognizance of the court. A mere glance at the document is sufficient for anyone to see that this part of the decision is entirely out of place; while a study of the document can only create astonishment as to how in the world that part of it ever could have got there, and the more it is studied the more the astonishment will be increased. 1 {1892 ATJ, UCS 19.2}

In this part of the decision the court cites “historical” evidence by which it establishes the Christian religion as the national religion; justifies the use of the civil power to maintain the discipline of the churches; a religious test oath as a qualification for office; general taxation for the support of “public Protestant teachers of piety, religion, and morality;” the governmental requirement of a belief in the doctrine of the Trinity and the inspiration of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments; and then without a break quotes the Constitution of the United States, in which religious legislation and religious establishments are positively prohibited, and flatly declares:— {1892 ATJ, UCS 20.1}

“There is no dissonance in these declarations.(! !) There is a universal language pervading them all, having one meaning.(! !) They affirm and reaffirm that this is a religious nation.” {1892 ATJ, UCS 20.2}

“If we pass beyond these matters to a view of American life as expressed by its laws, its business, its customs, and its society, the find everywhere a clear recognition of the came truth. Among other matters, note the following: The form of oath universally prevailing, concluding with an appeal to the Almighty; the custom of opening sessions of all deliberative bodies, and most conventions, with prayer; the prefatory words of all wills, ‘In the name of God, Amen;’ the laws respecting the observance of the Sabbath with the general cessation of all secular business, and the closing of courts, legislatures, and other similar public assemblies on that day. . . . These, and many other matters which might be noticed, add a volume of unofficial declarations to the mass of organic utterances that THIS IS A CHRISTIAN NATION.” {1892 ATJ, UCS 33.2}

Now let us sum this up and see what has been done: There is a national religion established, and it is called Christianity and Protestantism. With this there is also specifically declared and justified as the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, (1) the maintenance of the discipline of the churches by the civil power; (2) the requirement of the religious oath; (3) the requirement of the religious test oath as a qualification for office; (4) public taxation for the support of religion and religious teachers; (5) the requirement of a belief in the Trinity and the inspiration of “holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments;” (6) the guilt of blasphemy upon everyone who speaks or acts in contempt of the established religion; and (7) laws for the observance of Sunday, with the general cessation of all “secular business.” {1892 ATJ, UCS 33.3}

All this is declared by unanimous decision of the Supreme Court of the United States to be the meaning of the Constitution of the United States. This, too, to the utter oblivion of all the history of the making of that Constitution, in open contradiction of the specific terms of that Constitution, and in defiance of the clear intent of that Constitution, as declared in the supreme law by those who made it. {1892 ATJ, UCS 34.1}

Now what was ever the Papacy more than is this thing which is established and justified in and by this decision? What more was ever required by the Papacy, and all phases of the old order of things, than is allowed and justified in this decision? What more was ever required by the Papacy itself than that the “Christian religion” should be made the national religion; that the discipline of the church should be maintained by the civil power; that the religious test oath should be applied to all; that the public should be taxed for the support of religion and religious teachers; that there should be required a belief in the doctrine of the Trinity and the inspiration of the “holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments;” that the guilt of “blasphemy” should be inflicted upon everyone who should speak or act “in contempt” of the established religion; 3 and that everybody should be required by law to observe Sunday? No more than this was ever required by the Papacy. And, in fact, no more could be required, for this covers all. And by this decision all this is justified in this government, and is declared to be the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, but in favor of Protestantism. {1892 ATJ, UCS 34.2}

World Columbian Exposition.

1893 World’s Columbian Exposition

Series of fairs held in London, Paris and other major cities through out the world. Chicago. First critically and economically successful world’s fair in the USA. Officially dedicated Oct 1 1892 but did not open for business until may 1st 1893 because of delays in getting everything ready. Closed six months later October 30th 1893 more than 27 million had paid 50 cents admission price. Us censor – 62 million people nearly half saw the fair – amazing trains and horse buggy. Was considered the greatest event of its kind in history because of delay workers encouraged to work 7 days.

Churches etc encouraged to set up on Sunday.

Presbyterians refused to set up on Sunday. And declined all contact with the “sacrilegious and Sabbath-breaking exposition. Presbyterians and other church groups took their case to congress with millions signatures expressing opposition to the fair being opened on Sunday. Congress conceded and passed an act under which the appropriation of funds to support the fair was contingent that the exposition was closed to the public on Sunday. The following Bill was passed into law:

“Be it enacted by the senate and House of Representatives of the united States of America in congress assembled. Section 4. That it is hereby declared that all appropriations herein made for or pertaining to the world’s columbian exposition are made upon the conditions that the said exposition shall not be open to the public on the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday. And if the said appropriations be accepted by the corporation of the State of Illinois , known as the world’s columbian exposition upon this condition, it shall be and it is hereby made the duty of the world’s columbian commision, created by the act of congress of April 25th 1890 to make such rules or modification of the rules of said corporation and shall require the closing of the exposition on the said first day of the week, commonly called sunday. Approved August 5, 1892.

Despite being recognized as unconstitutional, it was accepted because it was demanded.

“Do you think it will pass the House?” {1892 ATJ, UCS 61.3}

“Yes; and the Senate too. We are all in the same boat. I am sorry for those in charge of the Fair; but self-preservation is the first law of nature, and that is all there is about it.” {1892 ATJ, UCS 61.4}

The men who made this nation declared that it is impossible for the magistrate to adjudge the right of preference among the various sects professing the Christian faith without erecting a claim to infallibility which would lead us back to Rome. With reference to closing the World’s Fair on Sunday. In that transaction in the United States Senate, July 10 and 12, 1892, with reference to closing the World’s Fair on Sunday, the fourth commandment was read from the Bible as the “reason” for such legislation.

But when it was discerned that the fourth commandment says only that “the seventh day is the Sabbath,” and that if left standing so the management of the Fair might possibly choose to close the gates on the seventh day, and open them on Sunday, then this argument was made:- {1898 ATJ, WIP 20.4}

“The language of this amendment is that the Exposition shall be closed on the ‘Sabbath day.’ I submit that if the senator from Pennsylvania desires that the exposition shall be closed upon Sunday, this language will not necessarily meet that idea. . . . {1898 ATJ, WIP 21.1}

“The word ‘Sabbath day,’ simply means that it is a rest day, and it may be Saturday or Sunday, and it would be subject to the discretion of those who will manage this Exposition whether they should close the Exposition on the last day of the week, in conformity with the observance which is made by the Israelites and the Seventh-day Baptists, or should close it on the first day of the week, generally known as the Christian Sabbath. It certainly seems to me that this amendment should be adopted by the senator from Pennsylvania, and, if he proposes to close this Exposition, that it should be closed on the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday. . . . {1898 ATJ, WIP 21.2}

“Therefore I offer an amendment to the amendment, which I hope may be accepted by the senator from Pennsylvania, to strike out the words ‘Exposition on the Sabbath day,’ and insert ‘mechanical portion of the Exposition on the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday.” {1898 ATJ, WIP 21.3}

This argument was accepted, and this proposed amendment was adopted. The House of Representatives accepted all this, and so made it the action of the legislative branch of the government. {1898 ATJ, WIP 21.4}

Now note the principle: The Seventh-day Baptists and their observance of the seventh day as the Sabbath of the commandment quoted, were definitely named in contrast with those who observe “the first day of the week, generally known as the Christian Sabbath,” with reference to the commandment quoted. And the preference was adjudged in favor of the latter. {1898 ATJ, WIP 21.5}

Now the Seventh-day Baptists are a sect professing the Christian faith. The original Sabbath commandment was quoted word for word from the Scriptures. The words of that commandment, as they stand in the proceedings of Congress, say “the seventh day is the Sabbath.” The Seventh-day Baptists, a sect professing the Christian faith, observe the very day-the seventh day-named in the scripture quoted in the Record. There are other sects professing the Christian faith who profess to observe the Sabbath of this same commandment by keeping “the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday,” and hence it is that that day is “generally known as the Christian Sabbath.” These facts were known to Congress, and were made a part of the record. Then upon this statement of facts as to the difference among sects professing the Christian faith, touching the very religious observance taken up by Congress, the Congress did deliberately, and in set terms, adjudge the right of preference between these sects professing the Christian faith. Congress did adjudge the right of preference in favor of those sects which observe “the first day of the week, generally known as the Christian Sabbath,” as against the plainly named sect which observes the day named in the commandment which Congress quoted from the Bible. Thus Congress did the very thing which the fathers of the nation declared it “impossible” to do “without erecting a claim to infallibility, which would lead us back to the church of Rome.” {1898 ATJ, WIP 22.1}

All of this the House confirmed in its vote accepting the Senate amendments. Besides this, the House had already, on its own part, by a vote of 131 to 36, decided that Sunday is the “Christian Sabbath;” and by a vote of 149 to 11 that the seventh day is not the Sabbath. And thus did the Congress of the United States, at the dictate of the churches, not only take sides in a religious controversy, and discuss and decide a religious question, but put itself in the place and assume to itself the prerogative of authoritative interpreter of the divine law; for, from the official record of the proceedings, there appears these plain facts:— {1892 ATJ, UCS 64.3}

1. The divine law was officially and in its very words adopted as containing the “reasons” and forming the basis of the legislation. In other words, the legislation proposed only to enforce the divine law as quoted from the Book. {1892 ATJ, UCS 64.4}

2. Yet those to whom the legislation was directed, and who were expected to execute its provisions, were not allowed to read and construe the divine law for themselves and this for the very reason that there was a possibility that they might take the divine word as it reads and as it was actually quoted in the official proceedings, and shut the Exposition on the day plainly specified in the divine word, which was cited as the basis and authority for the action taken. {1892 ATJ, UCS 64.5}

3. Therefore, to preclude any such possibility, Congress assumed the prerogative of official and authoritative interpreter of the divine law, and declared that “the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday,” is the Sabbath of the fourth commandment of the divine law—that “the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday,” is the meaning of the word of the Lord which says, “The seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God.” {1892 ATJ, UCS 65.1}

And thus Brothers and Sisters, friends, the image to the beast was made. But note how they did it. They took up the rule that the intent of the lawmaker is the law, and then presumed to interpret that law. And thereby they erected an image to the beast.

It stands as a literal fact before the world tonight that the government of the United States is no longer a “government of the people, by the people, and for the people,” as our fathers made it, but the subjection of the people by the churches and for the churches. The Church rules the government; she has it in her hands, and she is holding it there, and she proposes to hold it there. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.11}

,,,Instead of listening to that demand upon the only basis they have a right to consider any question–the basis of the Constitution–they shut out the Constitution and all argument upon the Constitution, openly refused to hear it, and played into the hands of the churches which had already secured this, and thus fixing indelibly in the legislation of the country that thing which has been done. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.1}

Now what errand have we to Washington any more? What place have we in Washington any more with petitions or hearings protesting against religious legislation? None at all. We have no more such errands to Washington. There is no place for any of our petitions there any more. That is the situation as it is now. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.3}

So you can see that everything is gone, brethren. That is what I want you to think of; that the thing is gone. And the basis, the only basis which we ever had a right to go there upon–the Constitution–is taken from us. We had the right to go there upon that basis because the Constitution is God’s idea in government. The principle of the government of the United States is God’s idea for governments. And when we were holding up the Constitution and the principles of it as the idea of God, as we did every time, and as the right idea, that was the thing that we had to do.

So the sum of the whole matter is, we have no more errands to Washington such as we have had. Of course whenever there come up other such questions, that will be a good place to put our principles before Congressmen, as we spread the truth before all the people. But we have no more errands there with petitions or protests against religious legislation. That thing is gone. Well, in this work which is now past, what were we working against? Against something that was done, or against the doing of something? –Against the doing of something. Why did we protest against the doing of that thing? What did we say that the doing of that thing would be? –Forming a union of Church and State– Making an image to the beast. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.9}

Now that thing is done, and there is no more protesting against the doing of it.

I say again we cannot protest against the doing of the thing, because it has already been done. We cannot go to Congress and use constitutional arguments against religious legislation; we cannot protest against the making of the image to the beast. We cannot protest against the government recognizing the false Sabbath. That is set up, and it is put in place of the Sabbath of the fourth commandment by the definite act of Congress itself. Then that action has put the government of the United States into the hands of the churches. It has established the mark of the beast as the Sabbath of the nation and for all the world, and it has done it in place of the Sabbath of the fourth commandment in express words in the legislation. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.2}

5T 711.4 A great crisis awaits the people of God. A crisis awaits the world. The most momentous struggle of all the ages is just before us. Events which for more than forty years we have upon the authority of the prophetic word declared to be impending are now taking place before our eyes. Already the question of an amendment to the Constitution restricting liberty of conscience has been urged upon the legislators of the nation. The question of enforcing Sunday observance has become one of national interest and importance. We well know what the result of this movement will be. But are we ready for the issue? Have we faithfully discharged the duty which God has committed to us of giving the people warning of the danger before them? {5T 711.3}

There are many, even of those engaged in this movement for Sunday enforcement, who are blinded to the results which will follow this action. They do not see that they are striking directly against religious liberty. There are many who have never understood the claims of the Bible Sabbath and the false foundation upon which the Sunday institution rests. Any movement in favor of religious legislation is really an act of concession to the papacy, which for so many ages has

steadily warred against liberty of conscience. Sunday observance owes its existence as a so-called Christian institution to “the mystery of iniquity;” and its enforcement will be a virtual recognition of the principles which are the very cornerstone of Romanism. When our nation shall so abjure the principles of its government as to enact a Sunday law, Protestantism will in this act join hands with popery; it will be nothing else than giving life to the tyranny which has long been eagerly watching its opportunity to spring again into active despotism. {5T 711.4}

The National Reform movement, exercising the power of religious legislation, will, when fully developed, manifest the same intolerance and oppression that have prevailed in past ages. Human councils then assumed the prerogatives of Deity, crushing under their despotic power liberty of conscience; and imprisonment, exile, and death followed for those who opposed their dictates. If popery or its principles shall again be legislated into power, the fires of persecution will be rekindled against those who will not sacrifice conscience and the truth in deference to popular errors. This evil is on the point of realization. {5T 712.1}

5T 451.2 When Protestantism shall stretch her hand across the gulf to grasp the hand of the Roman power, when she shall reach over the abyss to clasp hands with spiritualism, when, under the influence of this threefold union, our country shall repudiate every principle of its Constitution as a Protestant and republican government, and shall make provision for the propagation of papal falsehoods and delusions, then we may know that the time has come for the marvelous working of Satan and that the end is near. {5T 451.1}

As the approach of the Roman armies was a sign to the disciples of the impending destruction of Jerusalem, so may this apostasy be a sign to us that the limit of God’s forbearance is reached, that the measure of our nation’s iniquity is full, and that the angel of mercy is about to take her flight, never to return. The people of God will then be plunged into those scenes of affliction and distress which prophets have described as the time of Jacob’s trouble. The cries of the faithful, persecuted ones ascend to heaven. And as the blood of Abel cried from the ground, there are voices also crying to God from martyrs’ graves, from the sepulchers of the sea, from mountain caverns, from convent vaults: “How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost Thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth?” {5T 451.2}

How long?

Psalm 119:126 [It is] time for [thee], LORD, to work: [for] they have made void thy law.

Further reading:

https://sabbathsermons.com/category/walking-in-the-light-of-1888/

Full transcript of GC Bulletin by Jones;

I will take up the subject where we stopped last night and read just two sample statements of those we had in mind when the hour closed last night. Here is one: {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 68.1}
“Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Committee and the friends and opponents of this measure: Allow me to call attention to one thing and that is a fact to which we all assent. None of this company will be here in 1993. At that time all of us shall be of one mind in regard to the value and sacredness of the Lord’s day, for the sentence has gone forth against every man, ‘Set thine house in order.’ {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 68.2}
‘How fast they fall!
Those we have known,
As leaves from autumn branches grown,
Are quickly seared.’ {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 68.3}
“But while men die, the Nation lives. May the God of nations so guide us and our posterity that ‘America’ may be sung until the end of time.” –From the speech of C. B. Botsford, before the House Committee on the World’s Exposition. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 68.4}
Another one:- {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 68.5}
“There is just one general reason, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Committee, I would like to give why this Fair ought to be kept closed on the Sabbath. If these gates are open on the Sabbath it will be perilous to us as a nation and it will be perilous to Chicago and to the interests of the Fair. There is one thing we are to remember, and that is that God still reigns, God is still on the throne. God has not abdicated, and He has declared that the nation or the country that will not serve Him shall perish. And more than this, we are to remember that the ten commandments are the very basis of all our laws, National and State, which subserve our liberties and our rights. Take the fifth commandment, take the sixth commandment against murder and protection to life, protection to person; it is based on that sixth commandment. Take the seventh commandment. Now here is the fourth commandment in the very heart of these ten commandments, and that has never been repealed any more than has the fifth commandment or the sixth commandment or the seventh commandment or the eighth commandment. And therefore we are to remember that if we touch this commandment of God, standing thus in the very heart of these ten commandments, we touch the honor of God; we touch the law of God, for Christ has emphasized that fourth commandment. He said, ‘The Sabbath was made for man.’ What did He mean by that? He meant thereby that it was not made for the Jew only but for man everywhere in every age and in every condition. He said the Sabbath was made for man. It was made for man in all ages, in all time. He said the Sabbath was made for man; it was made for man’s highest good in every age of the world, for his good morally and physically. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 68.6}
“And therefore it is, dear friends, if we touch that fourth commandment, which lies at the very root of all the other commandments, we touch the honor of God and the commandments of God. It has never been repealed, and if we touch that God will bring a curse upon us as a nation, because he distinctly told His people anciently that He would punish them for the profanation of the Sabbath day. And therefore it is, dear friends, that we as a nation cannot afford
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to touch this commandment. What it becomes us to do is, therefore, to set to the nations of the world a good example of the American Sabbath; set them an example of the Christian Sabbath; set them an example of the Sabbath as God has ordained it.  {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 68.7}
“A heathen prince once visited Queen Victoria, and desired the Queen to give him the secret of the government’s greatness. Queen Victoria sent for a Bible, and handing that to him said, There is the secret of the nation’s greatness.’ And the secret of our greatness as a nation is the Bible that is enthroned in all the laws on the line of the Sabbath. That is the foundation of our laws.”–From the speech of Rev. F. A. McCarrel, before the House Committee on World’s Fair, Jan. 11, 1893. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.1}
I read these simply as samples of the arguments that were presented to the Committee to persuade Congress to stand fast in the position where the government has been placed. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.2}
Now brethren, you remember I took a text last night that was to last a week. Tonight I want to read another passage in the same line. It is this: {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.3}
“Brethren and sisters, would that I might say something to awaken you to the importance of this time and the significance of the events that are now taking place about us. I point you to the aggressive movements now being made for the restriction of religious liberty.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.4}
That is what we want to study tonight. And as I, with the help of the Lord, shall bring before your minds things that are, I want you to be as anxious to receive and see these things as God is that we shall, in order that we may see and meet His mind in this respect. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.5}
There are doubtless people in this house who were here about three years ago when a subject was given me, which was, I think, “The Present Crisis.” Those who were here will remember that in referring to our work at that time, which was petitioning Congress and remonstrating against all this legislation, I called attention to the fact that that was our work at that time. It was to circulate these petitions everywhere through all the land, that by this means we might waken the minds of the people of the United States against that matter, and to have their petitions go to Congress in such abundance that Congress might see what the principle is and that we might perhaps delay that legislation. The idea was that of getting the truth before the people by that means. And you will remember that I called attention to this thought: that that work would continue only until Sunday had been adopted, until some Sunday law should be passed, and then all our petitioning would be past and our work in that direction would be stopped, because it would be of no use for us to protest against Congress doing a thing which was already done. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.6}
Well, we are there now. We are now in the place that I referred to that night about three years ago. From the evidence that was given last night, it is clearly seen that the government of the United States is now in the hands of a hierarchy and no longer in the hands of the representatives of the people. Government as our forefathers established it, is gone, irretrievably gone now. Government of the people, by the people and for the people is gone. The authority of the government from the people, expressed in the Constitution, and the government to be conducted according to the Constitution is gone. The constitution has been overridden, and now it is ignored. It was ignored by the Committee the other day; in fact shut out entirely, and a hierarchy heard upon hierarchical positions giving hierarchical arguments only. When that is so–when the Constitution itself is shut out from before, and from the consideration of, a committee of Congress, whose only authority is the Constitution, and this other matter is received instead–then where has the government gone? Do you know? Where has it gone? {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.7}
[Answers from the audience: “Into the hands of the churches.”] {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.8}
Well, from the extracts I read last night, it is confessed that Congress dare not act according to their own view, according to the principles which they themselves hold, for fear of what the churches will do and that they dare not act in a way that fair-minded men desire them to act, because of a fear of what the churches will do in creating more mischief and more trouble to the nation than if they acted the other way. That is precisely the reason that Judge Hammond gave in justifying his decision in an article which was printed afterward in the same paper in which his decision was printed, that when churches demand legislation of that kind it was correct statesmanship to grant it, because Protestants were a fighting people and if they did not give them what they wanted, they would cause such trouble in the nation that the State would perish. That is the thought. What is that but just simply saying that the principles that actuate the professed Protestant churches of the United States are identical with the papal principles from beginning to end? And the reason which they gave for the legislation at the first is simply papal principles outright. That resolution which the churches sent up to Congress demanding this legislation, is as follows: {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.9}
Resolved that we do hereby pledge ourselves and each other that we shall from this day henceforth refuse to vote for or support for any office or position of trust, any member of Congress either Senator or Representative, who shall vote for any further aid of any kind for the World’s Fair, except on conditions named in these resolutions. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.10}
Richard W. Thompson of Indiana, who was Secretary of the Navy under President Hayes’s administration has well said: “To allow any church to
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dictate beforehand what laws should or should not be passed is to deprive the people of authority of government which they ordained in their own hands and to transfer it to such church.” And that is so. That has been done and from the words that they have spoken and the representations which we read last night, it stands as a literal fact before the world tonight that the government of the United States is no longer a “government of the people, by the people, and for the people,” as our fathers made it, but the subjection of the people by the churches and for the churches. The Church rules the government; she has it in her hands, and she is holding it there, and she proposes to hold it there.  {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 69.11}
Now when that had been done, it was perfectly proper for us, or anybody else, and all the people, to demand that it should be undone. Having done it even for the reasons for which it was done, Congress could have undone it, could have opened its eyes and stepped back again precisely where it was before. Congress could have undone this thing and left it where they should have left it at the first, and then the churches would have had to make another effort to gain possession of the government. But instead of listening to that demand upon the only basis they have a right to consider any question–the basis of the Constitution–they shut out the Constitution and all argument upon the Constitution, openly refused to hear it, and played into the hands of the churches which had already secured this, and thus fixing indelibly in the legislation of the country that thing which has been done. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.1}
Then that is virtually the second step. When the first step was taken the next step could have been taken backward; that would have undone it. But instead of taking that step, what is being done is only to confirm what has been done, and then the thing never can go back. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.2}
Now what errand have we to Washington any more? What place have we in Washington any more with petitions or hearings protesting against religious legislation? None at all. We have no more such errands to Washington. There is no place for any of our petitions there any more. That is the situation as it is now. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.3}
Some have asked, “Well, suppose new legislation comes up; can’t we send up a protest against that and go and ask a hearing upon that?” What would be the basis of our argument? What would be the basis of our protest? That it is unconstitutional? But the Constitution has been overridden in this; and we would be met with the reply that it has been cone already, and that this is constitutional. That has been declared. And when this is taken as constitutional, everything else follows. When I presented the idea that they might have been mistaken in the representations which were made to them, I was met with, “Your argument is not respectful to Congress.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.4}
Elder Fifield: Suppose another National Sunday bill comes before another committee, might not that committee listen to a constitutional argument? {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.5}
Elder Jones: Well suppose they did; what would be the force of it? The Constitution has been overridden already. This things is unconstitutional. Sunday legislation is all unconstitutional. But all that has been done. And what would be the force of any argument against any other Sunday bill; that is, on the ground of its unconstitutionality? Where is the force of it? There would be simply none at all. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.6}
So you can see that everything is gone, brethren. That is what I want you to think of; that the thing is gone. And the basis, the only basis which we ever had a right to go there upon–the Constitution–is taken from us. We had the right to go there upon that basis because the Constitution is God’s idea in government. The principle of the government of the United States is God’s idea for governments. And when we were holding up the Constitution and the principles of it as the idea of God, as we did every time, and as the right idea, that was the thing that we had to do. God had given that as an example to all the world and as a light to all the world, as the right ideas in government, and we had the right to appeal to it. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.7}
They wanted us to argue the other day against shutting the Fair on Sunday. You see we could not do that. And more than that, we can’t argue against it being shut on Sunday for the reason that Sunday is not the Sabbath of the fourth commandment, because to argue that way would be simply allowing and admitting that Congress had properly incorporated the fourth commandment into legislation and that if they would only recognize the day of the fourth commandment instead of Sunday, we would not have anything to say. But we have everything to say against that. That would be only to give away everything. Consequently we could not leave our position on the Constitution. But when they shut us out, they shut out the Constitution. I say always we are in splendid company, for in being shut out by that committee from any constitutional argument, we are in splendid company, for we are in the company of the Constitution of the United States, and in order to get rid of us they had to shut out the Constitution. That is the company in which we belong.  {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.8}
So the sum of the whole matter is, we have no more errands to Washington such as we have had. Of course whenever there come up other such questions, that will be a good place to put our principles before Congressmen, as we spread the truth before all
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the people. But we have no more errands there with petitions or protests against religious legislation. That thing is gone. Well, in this work which is now past, what were we working against? Against something that was done, or against the doing of something? –Against the doing of something. Why did we protest against the doing of that thing? What did we say that the doing of that thing would be? –Forming a union of Church and State– Making an image to the beast.  {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 70.9}
Now that thing is done, and there is no more protesting against the doing of it. But is all our work done now? Have we nothing more to do in the world? Does all our work stop now, and we have nothing more to do in the world? No. Our work is not stopped. We have a work to do, but our work cannot be done in that way any more. Then what is our work? To warn against what is already done. But that which is done, is the making of the image of the beast. Then does not that bring us face to face with the third angel’s message as it reads in words? Does not this bring you and me, and shut us up, to the third angel’s message as it reads? There is no outlet but that, to speak the third angel’s message as it reads in words against the thing that has been done. The third angel’s message reads in words, “If any man worship the beast and his image and receive his mark in his forehead or in his hand.” Then does not that show, in itself, that the image is there, and the mark is set up to be received? {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.1}
I say again we cannot protest against the doing of the thing, because it has already been done. We cannot go to Congress and use constitutional arguments against religious legislation; we cannot protest against the making of the image to the beast. We cannot protest against the government recognizing the false Sabbath. That is set up, and it is put in place of the Sabbath of the fourth commandment by the definite act of Congress itself. Then that action has put the government of the United States into the hands of the churches. It has established the mark of the beast as the Sabbath of the nation and for all the world, and it has done it in place of the Sabbath of the fourth commandment in express words in the legislation. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.2}
What was the papacy? It was not simply the union of religion and the State; that was there in paganism. The papacy is the church ruling the State, the Church in possession of the State and the powers of the State and using them to enforce church decrees. It is a literal fact that the government of the United States is now confirmed in the hands of the professed Protestant churches, and that they are using it to enforce a church decree above all other decrees. That is what they did it for. That is what they are now doing. Is that like the papacy? Does that look like the papacy? Yes sir. So I say again, we are therefore shut up to the third angel’s message. The facts are before our faces and we are shut up to that as our only work. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.3}
If we are to have any connection at all with public affairs we have got to have it in some other way than that in which we have had hitherto, and the only way in which we can have any connection with them at all is just simply to warn people against receiving or admitting the rightfulness of the thing that is done. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.4}
We are shut up to that one thing and there is no other way out. Every man from this day forth who professes to work in the third angel’s message can carry that message or give that message in no other way than in the words which that message speaks, “If any man worship the beast and his image.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.5}
But never before 1892 had one of us the right to say that and warn the people against the worship of the image, because the image was not yet made. We have told the people that it was coming and that when certain things came, the image would be made, and the warning then would be, Do not you worship it. That has been our message, but that is not our message any more. We cannot tell them that now. We cannot protest against the making of it; we cannot do that now. That thing is done. We are shut up therefore to this one thing. I say again, There is no way out but to preach the third angel’s message as it reads: “If any man worship the beast and his image.” But there is a word there that comes just before that: “The third angel followed them, saying with a loud voice.” What is that, then, but the loud cry of the third angel’s message coming right in now. Does not that show us that when the time comes for the message to be given directly as it reads in words that the loud cry is right at that time? We have had enough before us in all these other things to show that, but is it not there in the words of the message itself, that when the message goes to the world in the words in which it is given, that is the loud cry? For it goes that way, with a loud voice. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.6}
Now another thought: How many of the nations of the earth besides this were there until this time that had no union of religion and the State? None. How many nations at all are there now that have it not? None. But a union of religion and the State, a union of Church and State, that is Satan’s way of doing things. Paganism was Satan’s way of doing things, and so was the papacy. And what is this now in our own nation? The image of the papacy. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.7}
Through what instrument did Satan make war against the church of God when Christ was born?
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-Through paganism. Through what instrument did he make war against the church in the wilderness? Through the papacy. Through what instrument does he make war against the remnant? Through the image of the papacy? See Rev. 12. But until now the image was not made. Now it is made. Until now he did not have the government of the United States in his hands to wield against the truth of God. He has it now. How much then of the power of the world has Satan now in his hands to wield against the church and the Sabbath of God? He has it all. Hasn’t he? Now you and I are pledged by years of profession to stand by the Sabbath of the Lord. We are pledged to that. But now opposed to this is every particle of power that this earth knows, with Satan the chief to wield the power. Then are we not brought face to face with this fact: That as certainly as we maintain our allegiance to the Sabbath of the Lord we shall have to do it in the face of all the power that this earth knows? Then does it not follow that in order to do that we must have with us a power that is greater than all the power that this earth knows? Can a man, of himself, stand successfully against all the power of earth? No, sir. Well, then, are we not shut up to this, that we must have a power working for us that is greater than all the power of the earth put together? Is it not time then, that that angel should come down from heaven having great power?  {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 71.8}
That angel coming down and adding his voice to the other makes the loud cry. We therefore just now, at the point where that angel has come down with great power, and we need not be afraid. Though all the power of the earth be against the Sabbath of the Lord and against us for standing by it, the power of God is given to every one who will be faithful to him. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 72.1}
Is not the message that the Saviour gave to his disciples precisely the message that is given to us? They were to go into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature. Here is our message. The everlasting gospel to preach “unto every nation, kindred, tongue and people.” Rev. 14:6. It is the same thing. He said to them, “All power is given to me in heaven and in earth.” Here Jesus Christ has a power in the earth that is greater than all the powers of earth. So if Jesus was only in the earth and was living on the earth, as He was once before, He would have more power than all the earth has besides anyway. “All power is given to me in heaven and earth: go ye therefore.” Why go? Because He has the power. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 72.2}
Go ye therefore and teach all nations these things, and lo I am with you. Is He? Is He with us, brethren? Let us stop saying he will be with us. He does not say it. Let us stop saying it; it is not faith at all. We say: “He says, ‘I will be with you.'” And we ask Him to be with us, and then we wonder whether He is or not. He says, “Go ye; I am with you.” Is He? Then thank Him that it is so. If you get into difficulties let Him help you out. It is Satan’s office to present difficulties, to hedge up the way; but thank the Lord, when the Lord is with us, Satan cannot hedge up the way. He may put a Red Sea in front of us, and through we will go, for God can open the sea. The Lord is with us, and we want it a more personal thing than that He “will be,” anyway. We want a power with us every moment, working with us, in us, and for us, and we want to be sure that it is so. How can we know it? He says so. Then let us say so, too. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 72.3}
There are two points that we have noticed thus far: One is that we are shut up to give the third angel’s message as it reads; the other is that we are shut up to this one thing, that as certainly as we stand in our allegiance to the commandments of God, we have to do it in the face of all the power that this earth knows, with Satan using that power. And that shuts us up to this one thing, that we need therefore, in order to stand at all, in order to stand a minute, we need a power that is greater than all the power of this world put together. And the blessedness of it is, There He stands and says, “I am with you.” Thank the Lord. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 72.4}
Now another thought, I think perhaps that will about fill the time for this evening, and these three points will be enough for tonight: Congress did take up the fourth commandment, did make it the basis and the reasons for that Sunday legislation. But it went further. It did not let that commandment stay there as it reads. It did not leave the commandment there as God gave it. It did not leave the commandment there as it is give in the Bible, and as it was put into the Record. It did not leave it there for the World’s Fair Directory to interpret, each man for himself as to what it means. Congress went beyond all that and interpreted the fourth commandment to mean “the first day of the week commonly called Sunday,” as “the Christian Sabbath,” “the Sabbath of the nation,” and as that which should be observed and honored, for this nation and for the world, by shutting the Fair on Sunday. Then I ask, what is that but the government of the United States by a definite and decided act putting Sunday in the place of the Sabbath of the fourth commandment? {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 72.5}
Let us look back a little now. The mystery of iniquity was working in Paul’s day. The apostasy began; the apostasy went on; the church adopted Sunday, but could she compel anybody to keep it? No. Could she bring any restrictions, any force,
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to bear upon people who would keep the Sabbath of the Lord to compel them to put Sunday in the place of the Sabbath of the Lord, so long as the church stood alone? No. But she wanted to compel people to keep it instead of the Sabbath of the Lord. That apostate church wanted the Sunday sabbath kept instead of the Sabbath of the Lord and that people should recognize and observe it instead of the Sabbath. She could not do it alone. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 72.6}
What then did she do to accomplish her purpose? She took hold of earthly power. She seized the power of the State. How much power did that government represent in the world at that time? The Roman Empire was the world power then; so that Church then secured all the power of the world, and by that she compelled people to receive Sunday instead of the Sabbath of the Lord. Then was it not by that act that she succeeded in definitely putting the Sunday in the place of the Sabbath of the Lord? But what was that but making void the law of God? She took the seal of His law, the heart of His law, that which reveals Him, the seal showing that He is what He is; she by force took that away and put her own sign in its stead. What was that but supplanting God in the minds of the people of the world? And it was by that act that she succeeded in her purpose of making void the law of God. That was the beast. That made the beast. We have preached all these years that the papacy has made void the law of God. And that is correct. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 73.1}
Let us return now to our own time and the question that is before us. Have not the Protestant churches kept Sunday a long time? Have they not opposed the keeping of the Sabbath of the Lord a long time? But they could not compel anybody to keep Sunday instead of the Sabbath of the fourth commandment. In a measure, it is true, they could enforce the observance of Sunday in the States. But we know, and they have all confessed, that all efforts through State laws in this direction, we almost wholly nullified by the fact that the National Government was against it all, and we all know that one of the great reasons for their strenuous efforts to get the National Government committed to Sunday was to make the State laws effective. Then in order to make their purpose effective in exalting Sunday against the Sabbath of the Lord, these churches, professed Protestantism, had to seize the government of the United States, the power of this government, as the former apostasy seized the power of the Roman government. And now she has got it. And in the definite act by which she got it, she aimed at the Sabbath of the fourth commandment, to put it out of the way and to put the Sunday in its stead. Then have not these by this definite act also made void the law of God? When the other was done that made the beast! What is this? It is the image. Is it not time, then, for the third angel’s message to be given in its own words? “If any man worship the beast and his image and receive his mark in his forehead or in his hand.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 73.2}
Ah, and the Lord hath sent us a word just now, too. “It is time for thee, Lord, to work.” Why? “Because they have made void thy law.” Ps. 119:126. Then is not that word the prayer that God has put into our mouths at this time? Are you offering it? Are you living day by day and hour by hour in the presence of that terrible fact that it is time for God Himself to work, if His integrity is going to be maintained to all the world? It is a terrible fact; it is a fearful position. It brings us to the point of such consecration as not a soul of us ever dreamed of before; unto the place of such consecration, of such devotion, as will hold ourselves in the presence of God, with that fearful thought that “It is time for thee, Lord, to work, for they have made void thy law.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 73.3}
What is that but a confession, and a proper confession, too, “Lord what can we do? Here is all the power of the earth against us. What can we do against this great company?” Is not the prayer of Jehoshaphat our prayer now, “O our God, we have no might against this great company that cometh against us; neither know we what to do; but our eyes are upon thee.” And they “stood before the Lord with their little ones, their wives, and their children.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 73.4}
“What does Joel tell us to do? “Sanctify a fast, call a solemn assembly, gather the congregation, assemble the elders, gather the children, and those that suck the breast: let the bridegroom go forth of his chamber and the bride out of her closet. Let the priests, the ministers of the Lord, weep between the porch and the altar, and let them say, Spare thy people, O Lord, and give not thine heritage to reproach, that the heathen should rule over them: wherefore should they say among the people, Where is their God?” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 73.5}
We stand pledged to the Lord and before the world that we depend upon God; that He loves His people; that He manifests Himself in behalf of those whose hearts are toward Him. Brethren, there is that fearful word also that touches that very thought, that came to us from Australia. It is in the testimony entitled, “The Crisis Imminent.” What does that say? “Something great and decisive is to take place, and that right early. If any delay, the character of God and His throne will be compromised.” Brethren, by our careless, indifferent attitude, we are putting God’s throne into jeopardy. Why cannot He work? God is ready. Are not God’s workmen ready? But if there is any delay, “the character of God and His throne is jeopardized.” Is it
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possible that we are about to risk the honor of God’s throne? Brethren, for the Lord’s sake and for His throne’s sake, let us get out of the way. Let us get out of the way. The only way to get out of the way of God is to flee to Him. That is the only way to get out of His way, and that is where He calls us now. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 73.6}
Here we stand. He has given us the prayer. O of all things when God has given us the prayer–how heartily and confidently can we present the prayer, and ourselves upon it. He has given us the prayer, He has told us the word; “It is time for thee, Lord, to work, for they have made void thy law.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.1}
Then another thing; If we need anything to cause us to be sure that that is all so, there is that word that was read last Sabbath, from that last word that came from Australia: {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.2}
“Brethren and sisters, would that I might say something to awaken you to the importance of this time, the significance of the events that are now taking place about us. I point you to the aggressive movements now being made for the restriction of religious liberty. God’s memorial has been torn down, and in its place a false sabbath stands before the world.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.3}
Not, is going to be torn down. But “has been” torn down. The testimony that came last winter–last year this time, said that a great move would be made “to exalt the false sabbath.” What now? “God’s memorial has been torn down, and in its place a false sabbath stands before the world.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.4}
How fast God’s word is fulfilled these days! One mail brings a testimony that such and such things “will be”; the next mail comes: “it is.” One mail brings a word from the Lord that efforts are being made “to do” such and such things; the next mail brings words from the Lord, That thing “is done.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.5}
Brethren, should not we stand as minute men, ready to respond to God’s word on the instant? There is no time, then, to lag for an instant. Brethren, let us seek God with all the heart. These testimonies that Brother Prescott read the past hour, bringing us face to face with this thought of calling upon God for His Holy Spirit–is not that the very evidence of all the work, of all the message, and everything else before us! Then is not the text applicable which I took last night: {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.6}
The people who will now see what is soon to come upon us by what is being transacted before us, will no longer trust in human inventions, and will feel that the Holy Spirit must be recognized, received, presented before the people. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.7}
“God’s memorial has been torn down, and in its place a false sabbath stands before the world; while the powers of darkness are stirring up the elements from beneath, the Lord God of heaven is sending power from above to meet the emergency by arousing his living agencies to exalt the law of heaven. Now, just now, is our time to work in foreign countries, as America, the land of religious liberty, shall unite with the papacy in forcing the consciences of men to honor the false sabbath.” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.8}
Now not “to set up” the false sabbath, but to honor the false sabbath which has been set up, and which stands before the world. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.9}
Then this word came to us under date of August 30, 1882: After quoting the scripture from Rev. 3, it says this: {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.10}
“Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first works; or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy candlestick out of his place, except thou repent.’ The chosen people of God have lost their first love. Without this all their profession of faith will not save a soul from death. Suppose the attention should be turned away from every difference of opinion, and we should heed the counsel of the True Witness. When God’s people humble the soul before Him, individually seeking His Holy Spirit with all the heart, there will be heard from human lips such a testimony as is represented in this Scripture–‘After these things I saw another angel come down from heaven, having great power; and the earth was lightened with his glory.’ There will be faces aglow with the love of God, there will be lips touched with holy fire saying, ‘The blood of Jesus Christ his Son cleanseth us from all sin.’ ” {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.11}
Brethren, let that be a word that will come from every lip in this house, at this institute, in this church, before this institute and conference shall close. Has not God made the way plain enough? Has not He made it plain enough in the events that are standing before our faces, and from which we cannot hide our eyes? Then let us open our eyes and our hearts and bid the Lord come in and take full possession and use us just as He pleases. {January 31, 1893 ATJ, GCDB 74.12}

Posted on March 11, 2010, in The 1888 Message and tagged . Bookmark the permalink. 5 Comments.

  1. I will like permission to use one of your pictures. How can I contact you?

  1. Pingback: 1848 and the Sealing of the 144,000 « Sabbath Sermons

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